A Constitutional Tune-Up
A
Constitutional Tune-Up
©2021 Ross Williams
I
periodically get into discussions with neophytes who insist that the purpose of
a limited-power government such as ours is to take cradle-to-grave care of its
people. The excuse usually used to
justify this is that we’re the richest nation on the planet and, after all, “other countries do it!” No-o-o-o, I remind them, other countries do not do it, regardless of what their press releases claim. No matter which nation they point to as their
example of political altruism, it alwaysAlwaysALWAYS boils down to a matter of
what that government can do with the money it has, who is left out of the
largesse because someone is always left out, and what happens when money
eventually runs short as it inevitably does.
I
then point out that the definition of our government does not permit our
government the power to do anything close to what they want our government to
do − at any level of government. Read
the Constitution sometime, I tell them.
“Well, it doesn’t say they can’t,”
they nearly always peevishly reply.
Yes,
actually, it does. While you’re reading
the Constitution, pay particular attention to the 10th Amendment. To [very closely] paraphrase: any powers not
given to the US Government do not
belong to the US Government but belong instead to the States, unless
prohibited to the States, or to the People.
And since the first section of the 14th Amendment is written to deny
any power to the States that does not also belong to the US Government, state
and local governments can’t do those wondrous things either. Sorry, I say, that’s the way it’s supposed to
work. If you want it to work any other
way than that, with the Constitution being written the way it is written, you
are simply wrong. …which is not to say that the government will not
give itself the power to abuse its power and do those things − or try to until
it runs out of Other People’s Money. It
only means that both you and the government are wrong. And if you’re okay being wrong, I’m fine
saying so. I do that with the government
all the time. Adding you to the list is
not a problem.
The
response to this is often, “Well, you
just love everything about the Constitution, doncha?” …as if that would be a bad thing.
Actually, it would be. There are
numerous errors of omission, several inexplicably vague passages, bewildering
additions, and multiple holes that the most basic wisdom of the time knew
damned well would be filled by power-lust and peevish political
pound-of-fleshing. While the
Constitution is the best definition of government invented thus far, it is far
from perfect and I have many quibbles with it.
First,
let’s hit the horrible additions.
The
16th Amendment
Like
every other libertarian, I absolutely abhor the 16thAM. It takes the Constitution’s original
prohibition of capitation taxes and throws it out, allowing the government to
tax each individual on his income.
Unlike virtually every other libertarian, I recognize that this is, at
least [and uniquely], a new government power acquired properly: by changing the
Constitution to allow it. As such, it is
the final new power of government
acquired properly. New powers, both before
and after, were acquired improperly: by one branch of the government seizing it
and the other branches of government ignoring their responsibility to stop or
invalidate the seizure.
Taxes
are indeed the price we pay for a civilized society, but the concept of a tax
on income is counter-productive to any society other than one ruled by the
disproportionally wealthy. The rich can always avoid taxes, particularly when
they are rich and in politics.
The
original libertarian mantra was “Tax less that which you want more of; tax more
that which you want less of.” When you
tax income, you disincentivize self-sufficiency and promote dependence. You don’t need to be a conspiracy theorist to
figure out what kind of government wants to promote widespread dependence on
government: one ruled by those who are rich and in politics.
The
17th Amendment
The
United States was a creation of the original 13 states. The original design was for We The People to have
representation in this new national government through the House of
Representatives, while States were to be represented in the Senate. Accordingly, the representatives were to be
elected by the people, and the senators would be chosen by the states. The 17thAM, direct election of senators,
changed that. No one represents states’
interests any longer in the national government − the national government
created by those states. Senators are
now just as big a bunch of power whores prostituting themselves to the fickle
whims of the public as their 2-year counterparts in the House.
This is not a good thing.
Additionally,
I have issues with the 18th Amendment, specifically that it got
written at all; issues with the 21st Amendment in that it didn’t go
far enough in erasing the 18th − it was written to allow states to
effectively continue the 18th in whole or in part as a matter of
state prerogative. …as if a citizen’s
rights are subject to the whim of local government.
The issues − mine and others’, but mostly others’ − with the 2nd Amendment have previously been discussed.
The
7th Amendment, which guarantees trial by jury, has been emasculated
in these last few generations by a class of judiciary which believes it − and
only it − knows what the law is about, as if the law is owned by the government
in general and judges specifically. It
is not. The law is owned by the people and judges are nothing but a temporary placeholder orchestrating The People’s
self-administration of it. Jury
nullification of law is a valid − indeed necessary − process in a
constitutional republic.
The
25th Amendment is little more than the codification of Palace Coup.
I also have issues with the 14th Amendment. It was intended [in part] to ensure that the
13thAM prohibiting slavery would be honored by the States, but it was written
to require the States to honor all federally
guaranteed rights up to, and including, all non-enumerated ditto. It prohibits any State from “denying or
abridging” those rights by state law.
But it has been “interpreted” to mean everything else imaginable but
that. All because it starts out,
innocently enough, defining in its first sentence the concept of ‘citizen’ and
then dropping that term in the second sentence in favor of ‘person’. This has led some of the more psychotic of
our “legal thinkers” [sic] to conclude that anyone from anywhere, on the planet
or off, who can push, pull, drag, invade or teleport himself into some State of
the United States is exactly as qualified [and sometimes moreso] to our rights than
an actual citizen who was born or naturalized.
When
asked why anyone would go to the length of defining a legal concept that was
subsequently not used for any purpose
in the codicil that defined the term in the first place, those who choose to
abuse the ambiguity merely shrug with a conceited smirk and continue to abuse
the ambiguity.
This
leads us to the Constitution’s inexcusable, and sometimes puzzling,
ambiguities.
General
Welfare
Congress
is tasked with writing laws that “provide for the… general welfare of the
United States”. “General” means at
large, or involving the whole. “Welfare”
means well-being, or prosperity. You’d
think it would stand to reason, then, that laws which provide money to poor
people and that was pulled out of the pockets of everyone else − what we
optimistically term “welfare” − does not qualify as general welfare. It is specific welfare made possible by
plundering, and thus harming, the majority.
The same can be said about any of a zillion other laws which benefit a
few at the expense of the rest. It would
be better for this phrase to have been left out entirely.
…which
leads directly to:
Transfer
Payments
The
guys who wrote the Constitution knew full well the historic pattern of
democratic governments. They studied
Greece and Rome, and knew what happened to both of them. If, somehow, they missed that lesson, there
were only too many European monarchists willing to remind the naïve
democracists what was, at the time, a 2,200 year old saw: Democracies
can survive only until the majority discovers they can vote themselves a share
of the treasury.
Greek
democracy failed specifically because it capitulated to special interests
demanding public money for their own.
Roman republicanism ended in dictatorship after it devoted larger and
larger shares of public funds to the Bread
and Circuses buying off the restless plebeians. The dictatorship ended when it ran out of
money devoted to stipending the peasants and couldn’t make military payroll. The frontiers got swamped with illegal immigrants
no longer held back by the Legions who had been paid to do so. We are currently enjoying the fiscal sins of
both Greece and Rome: capitulating to special interests and buying off the plebeians
with public funds. So stop me if you
heard this one already.
Why
the fabled founders neglected to slip a proscription against robbing Peter to
pay Paul in between the similar denials of ex post facto laws and bills of
attainder is beyond comprehension. They
had to have known it would happen and its non-prohibition can only be
attributed to republican malpractice − ineptitude in the creation of a republic.
Constitutional
Interpretation
The
word “interpret”, like the phrase “separation of church and state”, does not
exist in the Constitution. There is zero
allowance for anyone in government to “interpret” the Constitution. Interpretation is the act of concluding that
2+2=5 because − in this rare and specific instance − we really really really
need to have 5 of whatever. And when the
government concludes that 2+2=5 in one rare and specific instance, nearly
always when assessing its own powers, it only serves to inspire the
proliferation of that rare and specific circumstance. The circumstance is no longer rare and
specific; it is generalized and ubiquitous.
The end result is that the Constitution is back-handedly amended by the
expedience of power-whoring.
All
government agents, on the other hand, from county dogcatcher on up, are
required by our Constitution to take an oath to support the Constitution. Adding
a few words like “as written” or “without embellishment or flourish” would have
helped tremendously.
The
Entire 1st Amendment
The
1stAM proscribes only an act of Congress
abridging freedom of speech, press, assembly or religion. It leaves open the power of a judge, or a
state or local government, or some agency or office of any governmental
jurisdiction, doing same. Now, granted,
the 14thAM was written to incorporate
the states into the Bill of Rights, but few if any courts are willing to allow
that clear meaning to be imposed. It
would interfere with the power of government to make free citizens of a free
country sit down and shut up like the chattel all government wishes its people
to be. If you can’t interrupt a city
council meeting by bawling out every self-serving asshole on the board, then
you don’t have freedom of speech. If the
City Council can’t conduct business with people exercising their free speech,
then perhaps they should be listening to the people who elected them instead of
doing what they want.
Ditto
imperious judges in [and out of] court,
ditto DMV twats who can’t bother to outrun a glacier, ditto cops during a traffic stop…
Lay
and Collect Taxes/"Power of the Purse"
The
number of subjects upon which Congress is legitimately allowed to write laws is
extremely limited. There are many many
many American citizens’ activities that Congress is simply not given permission
to touch. Seat belt usage, drinking age,
smoking age, taking recreational drugs at any age, participating in a mandatory
government pension system or a mandatory government health insurance program,
to name just a very scant few.
Absolutely no power was given to Congress to compel or deny these
things. Yet Congress has done all these
things. And many many many many more.
With
regard to the last two in that list, they were accomplished by wrapping a tax
around the power grab. The Hughes Court,
in 1935, ruled that Congress does NOT, in fact, have the power to
create an old age pension system and widows-n-orphans charity called Social
Security. However, it does have the
power to tax the American people, and to spend the money it collects. Therefore, if Congress taxes people for an old age pension system, and then
spends the money collected on that
old age pension system, Congress can − according to the USSC − do what they are
not allowed to do.
The
Roberts Court about a decade ago pulled the same psychotic rabbit out of the
same threadbare hat and claimed that the power of Congress to create an Obamacare does not exist… unless the
financial penalties for not playing along are considered a tax.
Fiscal
Profligacy
The
creation of the United States owes itself to the age-old practice of government
spending more money than it has, often because it had spent its last money
stupidly. The English embarked upon a
series of financially disastrous wars with France which, after their temporary
conclusion, had to be paid for. England
did this by taxing the North American Colonies for everything under the sun and
most things under the moon, which inspired those colonies in what became the
United States to demand representation in Parliament before such taxes could be
considered legitimate. For its own part,
France discovered that they also had to pay for those previous wars against
England before Napoleon could embark on new wars against everyone else, and
they financed their prior wars through another common means: selling off its
territorial holdings. The Louisiana
Purchase by the brand new United States paid for French wars against the
English of the prior generation and allowed France to try conquering the rest
of Europe.
The
dangers of fiscal profligacy to a government were not a secret to those who
defined our governance; yet they failed to include any controls on how much debt the government would be allowed to
hold, or how much deficit could be added, and under what conditions. This is another example of their republican
malpractice; they knew the danger firsthand and they ignored it.
Congressional
Bribery
Congress
was not given the power to write a law compelling a State to adopt specific
legislation, and the 10th Amendment has consistently been read to
hold that line. Congress discovered
early on that it could sidestep their powerlessness in coercion of the States by
attaching money to their law.
Wrong:
“You States must pass a law setting a drinking age at 21.”
Right: “If you States pass a law
setting your drinking age at 21, we will give you free federal money [that we
took from your people in the first place, but that’s beside the point].”
The
only problem is, the “right” solution is the confiscation of the same
unauthorized power smoothed over with the bribe of one government agency by another.
Because bribery makes everything better and more ethical.
Declare
War
Congress
is the only branch of government allowed to declare war, while the President is
the Commander in Chief. Being the CinC
requires the authority to direct soldiers into armed conflict, i.e., waging war. Being refused the power to direct soldiers
into armed conflict means he isn’t really the CinC.
Waging
war is not the same as declaring war − a fact that many people, including most
libertarians, fail to grasp. Most of the
wars in human history were waged without being declared, and the wars in US
history are no exception. It would stand
to reason that the power of Congress to declare
a war is, in the US Constitution’s system of checks and balances, nothing more than the power of Congress to
compel the President to wage a war whether he wants to or not. This, in fact, is essentially the ruling of
the USSC at the time of Jefferson’s undeclared First Barbary War. It is worth noting that most of the justices
on the court at that time were among the legion whose opinions were sought by
those who were actually writing our Constitution. But the whole thing could easily have been
stated much more clearly.
The
4th Amendment
Any
first-year law student could tell you that a warrant is the legal writ which
describes the reason for the government taking an action against an
individual. And any first-year law
student could tell you that without a warrant citing the reason for a government action, the government action is not reasonable; it is instead, by
definition, authoritarian. This holds
true for searches as well. Without a
warrant you cannot have a reasonable
search. It is only after years of
practicing law and becoming judges and legislators that those first-year law
students are able to come up with endless excuses as to why the government no
longer needs a documented reason to conduct a reasonable search. This
places TSA checkpoints, courthouse pocket and briefcase dumping, and roadway
“implied consent” in with other paradoxical sentiments like up is down, black
is white, and water is not wet.
The
government needs a warrant citing probable
cause before it can search, inspect, or even quiz harshly any citizen for
any reason at any time at any location. I
honestly do not know how this could have been stated any more clearly, but
obviously it needed to have been.
Advise
and Consent
Keeping
concentrated power out of the hands of a single individual was extremely
important to the writers of our Constitution, but they failed to follow through
in several key areas.
The
Senate is tasked with being the adults in the room for many of the president’s
powers. They are required to advise the
president, and provide final consent on his foreign policy deals and his
political appointments. This, in effort
to prevent a president from becoming an imperial officeholder … such as one
ruling “with a phone and a pen”. This
check on executive power would be solidified if, when a super-majority of the
Senate decides that a foreign policy deal or political appointee is no longer
serving the needs of the nation, the Senate could also remove their consent.
Sole
Power of Legislation
The
first sentence of the US Constitution after the mission statement is that all
powers of legislation are owned by Congress.
One would think this to be, therefore, a fairly important matter. Yet Congress continually delegates its
legislative authority to the Executive Branch, which is constitutionally tasked
only with enforcing the laws that were legitimately passed. No one seems to care that Congress was not
given the defined power to delegate its legislative authority to begin with. The usual reason given for the delegation is
that Congress doesn’t know, for example, how many acres of swampland being
drained to pave over for parking lots is too many, and whether or not it’s
going to hurt the habitat of a local garden slug. The Environmental Protection Agency, though, does know these things [they claim] so
“let’s give the power to control swampland drainage to the EPA!” The notion that swampland drainage isn’t a
defined power of government in the first place never seems to cross anyone’s
mind.
The end result is that Congress writes a law giving their legislative power to
[in this example] the EPA, which does not have legislative power, but administrative power. So the EPA creates the administrative
equivalent of law, which is called regulation,
and which consolidates effective legislative authority under the president in
contravention of the Constitution, governing how many acres of swampland a
property owner can drain for a parking lot without being in violation. The best part of this, at least for authoritarian
apologists, is that it completely ignores the 5thAM right of property in
addition to exceeding the non-existent power of government to control swampland. And because regulations aren’t laws, they
don’t need to be enforced in the innocent until proven guilty manner. Regulations can be enforced in the historic
standard of prior government compulsion that we sought to escape in our
constitutional republic: you’re guilty until you prove yourself innocent.
“The
President Shall Have the Power To…”
Along
with abdicating legislative power to executive branch administrative agencies,
Congress is also guilty of handing carte
demi-blanche to the president himself in far too many areas that Congress
has the sole constitutional authority over, or which no power was granted at
all. Congress was given sole authority
over immigration and naturalization, yet they gave the president the power to
instantaneously [if not arbitrarily] decide which nation[s] to close our
borders to. There is no authority at all
given to any branch of government to declare national emergencies,
yet Congress invented one and gave it to the president.
This
must end. …which leads us to:
Executive
Orders
There
is perhaps nothing more dictatorially sinister in a constitutional republic
than one person making edicts. Unless
it’s one person making edicts when he also has the authority and apparatus to
enforce those edicts. That would be what
we have with Executive Orders. An
infamous prior Chief Executive who knew so much about Constitutional Law that
he could teach it in law school appears to have unearthed an elusive invisible
ink addendum to Article II of the Constitution which allowed him to rule with
“a phone and a pen” through Executive Orders.
And he did so, every chance he got since, for most of his presidency,
his Congress was unwilling to cooperate with his power lust.
No one else has seen this cryptopower, however, and its use is close to the
gravest and most dangerous abuse of power possible in a constitutional republic
built upon democracy. It should, at a minimum,
be considered an impeachable offense if not an outright, immediate and
mandatory cause for removal from office.
And because the political scholars who defined our government were well
aware that the urge toward tyranny was so powerful, their complete lack of preparation
for its inevitable emergence is another example of republican malpractice.
While
we’re on the subject of impeachable
offenses…
Impeachment
It
was barely a decade from the adoption of our Constitution before one political party
momentarily in charge attempted to criminalize dissent. Failure to conceive that the process of
impeachment might be used simply to oust an official who was disliked by opposition
politics with a temporary majority in the House, masking their insolence with a
façade of “high crime”, is more republican malpractice. Of its four uses against a president, three
have been impeachments of pique. Only
one was used to address a misuse of the office itself − a president using his
position as president in attempt to manipulate a civil case against him extrajudicially
and which would have been met under any other circumstance with, at most,
summary judgment.
To
rely upon a simple majority to initiate impeachment is, as we’ve seen, a
landscape for political temper tantrum.
Impeachment needs to have a super-majority to indict as well as convict.
Article
V
The
US government was a creation of the state governments, and defined in a
document called the Constitution. The States wrote the Constitution; they wrote
it so that either a super-majority of the States, or Congress with the blessing of a super-majority of the
States can change it. But in order
for the States to change the Constitution on their own initiative, they must
have the concurrence of Congress.
Congress
doesn’t want anyone but Congress changing the powers of the federal government
[duh!], and so they have sat on State-initiated Constitutional changes,
sometimes for over a century. Either
require Congress to act on these petitions with dissolvement of the body for
failure, or exclude Congressional concurrence altogether. I prefer the latter, but if clearing Congress
of slugs who refuse to do their Constitutional duty is what it will take … I’m
fine with it.
Immunity
and Liability
Being
a government employee in a Free Nation, and having any amount of authority over Free People, is − or is supposed to be
− a trust far and away more sacred than any held by a high priest. Misuse of that authority for any reason upon
a Free Citizen has always been dismissed by citing “immunity”. “It
doesn’t matter that the City Clerk’s office has held up, and ultimately denied,
procedural permissions for a trivial undertaking; the clerk thought he was
doing the right thing and cannot be held accountable.”
Yeah, but he wasn’t doing the right thing, and lack of liability only promotes
similar abuses in the future. Leaving a
Free Citizen to hold the bag when government abuses its power and allowing the
government to skip off with no more than a scowl directed its way [and usually
not even that] is what authoritarian governments do. This abdication of responsibility is
typically rationalized by “I was just following procedures/orders”. Governments of Free Peoples must punish −
immediately − the government agents who abuse their power. Individual government agents, a city clerk
with a personal beef against a resident wishing to obtain a building permit, a
cop flush with a gun and a badge, legislators voting for laws in excess of
defined powers, and even judges who validate those laws, must be personally
liable for damages incurred by abuses of government power in any Free Nation.
The counter-argument that this would inhibit the government doing its job is
exactly the point. In a free nation such
as ours was designed, defined and intended to be, the government’s job is
exceptionally scant. The government should not be doing most of what it
does. If this is what it takes to stop
them from doing what they weren’t given the power to do, then so be it.
Ignorance
of the constitutional limitations on government power cannot be any more of an
excuse for government actors than ignorance of the law is for citizens.
Redistricting
The
Constitution requires a census be taken every ten years. Among the legitimate uses of the census is to
determine the reapportionment of Representation in the House. Congressional districts are thus likely to be
redrawn every decade, and political power-whoring of a specific form called
gerrymandering is the result.
Congressional districts redrawn by the State’s legislature take on the
appearance of snakes slithering across the map for the purpose of minimizing
representation of the opposing political party and maximizing the
representation of their own political party.
Requiring
that all congressional districts be drawn along existing political or
administrative boundaries − townships, cities, counties, zip codes even − and which
may not be more than 5% wider than they are tall [owing to the geography of the
State’s territory] would alleviate most of this problem.
Licensing
A
common libertarian mantra is that a privilege is a right the government has
stolen from its people and is willing to sell back to them for a price. The exacted price for exercising a right is
attached to a license. A license is
government permission to do something that the government has no defined authority
to prevent a citizen from doing in any event.
However,
the government effectively prohibits citizens from taking advantage of their
rights because the cost of obtaining government permission to undertake
rightful activity is often prohibitive.
There have been a number of economic studies suggesting that among the largest impediments to pulling people out of poverty
is the licensing, registration, and other administrative costs of government which prevent someone with a skill but no money
from starting a business selling that skill to others so that he might earn
money and stop playing the Paul Peter was robbed to pay.
If
government insists on licensing, registering, permitting, inspecting or
otherwise tallying the activity of its people, it may not impose any cost for
that “service” [sic] upon the people being licensed, registered, et cetera. If that makes local, state and federal
governments prioritize which of its citizens’ activities actually need such close monitoring and which are only being used
as convenient cash cows, then it will be more as it should be: people being
free of government imposition in going about their lives.
And
being free of government imposition, making it harder for a government of a
free people to govern at will, removing the impulse to govern by intemperate
whim, lessening the mobbery of democratic undertakings, is the ultimate point
of every single one of these necessary repairs.
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